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Description
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea is guided in its activities by the Juche idea authored by President Kim Il Sung. The Juche idea means, in a nutshell, that the masters of the revolution and construction are the masses of the people and that they are also the motive force of the revolution and construction.
The Juche idea is based on the philosophical principle that man is the master of everything and decides everything. It is the man-centred world outlook and also a political philosophy to materialize the independence of the popular masses, namely, a philosophy which elucidates the theoretical basis of politics that leads the development of society along the right path.
The Government of the DPRK steadfastly maintains Juche in all realms of the revolution and construction.
Establishing Juche means adopting the attitude of a master towards the revolution and construction of one's country. It means maintaining an independent and creative standpoint in finding solutions to the problems which arise in the revolution and construction. It implies solving those problems mainly by one's own efforts and in conformity with the actual conditions of one's own POLITICS country. The realization of independence in politics, selfsufficiency in the economy and self-reliance in national defence is a principle the Government maintains consistently.
The Korean people value the independence of the country and nation and, under the pressure of imperialists and dominationsts, have thoroughly implemented the principle of independence, self-reliance and self-defence, defending the country's sovereignty and dignity firmly.
It is an invariable policy of the Government of the Republic, guided by the Juche idea, to treasure the Juche character and national character and maintain and realize them. The Government of the Republic always adheres to the principle of Juche, the principle of national independence, and thus is carrying out the socialist cause of Juche.
(From Wikipedia.com)
Kimilsungism" was first mentioned by Kim Jong-il in the 1970s[16] and was introduced alongside the "Ten Principles for the Establishment of a Monolithic Ideological System".[16] Not long after the term's introduction to the North Korean lexicon, Kim Jong-il launched the "Kimilsungism-ization of the Whole Society" campaign.[16] These campaigns were introduced so as to strengthen Kim Jong-il's position within the WPK.[16] According to political analyst Lim Jae-cheon, "Kimilsungism refers to thoughts of Kim Il-sung. It is interchangeable with the juche idea."[16] However, in his 1976 speech "On Correctly Understanding the Originality of Kimilsungism" he said that Kimilsungism comprises the "Juche idea and a far-reaching revolutionary theory and leadership method evolved from this idea".[17] In the past Kim Il-sung's thoughts had been described by the official media as "contemporary Marxism–Leninism", but by calling it Kimilsungism Kim Jong-il was trying to elevate it to the same level asMaoism, Hoxhaism, Stalinism etc.[18] The younger Kim further argued that Kim Il-sung's thoughts had evolved, and therefore deserved its own distinct name.[18] He further added; "Kimilsungism is an original idea that cannot be explained within the frameworks of Marxism–Leninism. The ideas of Juche which constitutes the quintessence of Kimilsungism is an idea newly discovered in the history of mankind."[18] Kim Jong-il went further, stating that Marxism–Leninism had become obsolete and needed to be replaced by Kimilsungism;[19]
"The revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a revolutionary theory which has provided solutions to problems arising in the revolutionary practice in a new age different from the era that gave rise to Marxism–Leninism. On the basis of Juche (idea), the leader gave a profound explanation of the theories, strategies and tactics of national liberation, class emancipation and human liberations in our era. Thus, it can be said that the revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a perfect revolutionary theory of Communism in the era of Juche."[19]
According to analyst Shin Gi-wook, the ideas of Juche and Kimilsungism were, in essence, the "expressions of North Korean particularism over supposedly more universalistic Marxism–Leninism."[20] In many ways, it signaled a move from socialism to nationalism.[20] This was made very clear in a speech in 1982, when North Korea celebrated Kim Il-sung's 70th birthday, when love for the nation came before love for socialism.[21] This particularism gave birth to such concepts as "A theory of the Korean nation as number one" and "Socialism of Our Style".[22]
With the death of Kim Jong-il, Kimilsungism was turned into Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism at the 4th WPK Conference.[23] As well as stating that the WPK was "the party of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il", Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism was made "the only guiding idea of the party".[23] In the 4th Conference's aftermath, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) stated that "the Korean people have long called the revolutionary policies ideas of the President [Kim Il-sung] and Kim Jong-il as Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism and recognized it as the guiding of the nation."[24] Kim Jong-un, the WPK First Secretary, said that "Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism is an integral system of the idea, theory and method of Juche and a great revolutionary ideology representative of the Juche era. Guided by Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism, we should conduct Party building and Party activities, so as to sustain the revolutionary character of our Party and advance the revolution and construction in line with the ideas and intentions of the President and the General."[25]
"Socialism of Our Style"
"Socialism of Our Style," also referred to as Korean-style socialism and our-style socialism, is an ideological concept introduced by Kim Jong-il on 27 December 1990 in his speech "Socialism of Our Country is a Socialism of Our Style as Embodied by the Juche idea."[22] Speaking after the revolutions of 1989 which brought down thecommunist regimes in the Eastern Bloc (but not the Soviet Union), he explicitly stated that North Korea needed, and survived, because of "Socialism of Our Style."[22] He argued that socialism in Eastern Europe failed because they "imitated the Soviet experience in a mechanical manner."[22] They failed to understand that the Soviet experience was based on specific historical and social circumstances and could not be used by other countries aside from the Soviet Union itself.[22] He added that "if experience is considered absolute and accepted dogmatically it is impossible to build Socialism properly, as the times change and the specific situation of each country is different from another."[22] Kim Jong-il went on to criticize ″dogmatic application″ of Marxism–Leninism, stating:[26]
"Marxism–Leninism presented a series of opinions on building of Socialism and Communism, but it confined itself to presupposition and hypothesis owing to the limitations of the conditions of their ages and practical experiences ... But many countries applied the principles of Marxist–Leninist materialistic conception of history dogmatically, failing to advance revolution continually after the establishment of the socialist system."[26]
North Korea would not encounter such difficulties because of the conceiving of Juche.[27] In his words, North Korea was "a backward, colonial semifeudal society" when the communists took over, but since the North Korean communists did not accept Marxism, because it was based on European capitalist experiences, and Leninism, which was based on Russia's experience, they conceived of Juche.[27] Also, the situation in North Korea was more complex, because of the American presence in South Korea.[27] Thanks to Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il argued, the revolution had "put forward original lines and policies suited to our people's aspirations and the specific situation of our country."[27] "The juche idea is a revolutionary theory which occupies the highest stage of development of the revolutionary ideology of the working class," Kim Jong-il said, further stating that the originality and superiority of the Juche idea defined and strengthened Korean socialism.[27] He then conceded by stating that "Socialism of Our Style" was "a man-centered Socialism," explicitly making a break with basic Marxist–Leninist thought which argues that material forces are the driving force of historical progress, not people.[27] "Socialism of Our Style" was presented as an organic sociopolitical theory, using the language of Marxism–Leninism (however, no reference is made to Marxist–Leninist thought, and it contained instead populist and organic nationalist concepts), saying:[28]
"The political and ideological might of the motive force of revolution is nothing but the power of single-hearted unity between the leader, the Party, and the masses. In our socialist society, the leader, the Party, and the masses throw in their lot with one another, forming a single socio-political organism. The consolidation of blood relations between the leader, the Party and the masses is guaranteed by the single ideology and united leadership."[28]
The inevitability of socialism
Despite being accused of not being communist or Marxist, North Korea is still formally committed to developing socialism, believing the transition from the capitalist mode of production to the socialist mode of production being inevitable.[29] Kim Jong-il acknowledged in the late-1980s that errors, mistake and drawbacks were the features of socialist development, and that, by the 1980s, the superiority of the socialist model had not been proven to the outside world.[29] According to Kim Jong-il, socialism is democratic while capitalism, in contrast, is oppressive and exploitative.[29] During one of his speeches, Kim Il-sung stated;[29]
The struggle between socialism and capitalism is the struggle between the new and the old. That the new emerges victorious and the old perishes is an immutable law of historical development. This law will never change, though the victory of the new may be attained only after experiencing twists and turns ... Our era by no means suits imperialism; it is an era of historical change in which imperialism is on the brink of ruin and the people of the world are marching forward boldly along the road to socialism, the road of independence.[29]
"Great Leader" theory
Unlike orthodox Marxism–Leninism, which places material forces as the driving force of historical progress, North Korea considers human beings in general as the driving force in history.[30] It is summarized as "popular masses are placed in the center of everything, and the leader is the center of the masses".[30] Juche, North Korea states, is a "man-centered ideology" in which the "man is the master of everything and decides everything".[30] Unlike man in orthodox communist thought, in which man's decisions are inextricably linked to his/her relations to the means of production (concept referred to as "relations of production"), in Juche thought man is independent and decides everything.[30] Just like Marxist–Leninist thought, Juche believes history is law-governed, but that it is only man who drives progress: "the popular masses are the drivers of history".[31] However, for the masses to be successful, they need a "Great Leader".[31] Marxism–Leninism, which argues that the popular masses will lead (on the basis of their relation to production), whereas in North Korea, the role of a Great Leader should be essential.[32] This theory helped Kim Il-sung establish a unitary, one-man rule over North Korea.[32]
The theory turns the "Great Leader" into an absolutist, supreme leader.[33] The working class is not to think for themselves, but instead to think through the "Great Leader".[33] The "Great Leader" is the "top brain" (i.e., "mastermind") of the working class, meaning that he is the only legitimate representative of the working class.[33]Class struggle can only be realized through the "Great Leader", and difficult tasks in general and revolutionary changes in particular can only be introduced through, and by, the "Great Leader".[33] Thus, in historical development, it is the "Great Leader" who is the leading force of the working class.[33] The "Great Leader" is also a flawless human being, who never commits mistakes, who is always benevolent, and who always rules for the masses.[34] The leader is incorruptible.[34] For the "Great Leader" system to function, a unitary ideological system has to be in place.[35] In North Korea, that unitary ideological system is known as the "Ten Principles for a Monolithic Ideological System".[35]
The "masses"
Unlike the Joseon Dynasty where there was a huge gap between the upper and lower classes, North Korea had adopted the concept of a gathered-together "people". Instead of a strict social hierarchy, North Korea had, in theory, divided the union into three classes — peasant, worker, and the samuwon (intellectuals and professionals) where each being just as important as the other. The samuwon class consisted of clerks, small traders, bureaucrats, professors, and writers. This was a unique class that was created in order to increase the education and literacy of North Korea.
Normally, Communist nations would value only the farmers or laborers, thus in the USSR intelligentsia was not defined as an independent class of its own, but rather as a "social stratum" that recruited itself from members of almost all classes: proletariat, petite bourgeoisie, and bourgeoisie. However, a "peasant intelligentsia" was never mentioned. Correspondingly, the "proletarian intelligentsia" was exalted for bringing forth progressive scientists and Marxist theoreticians, whereas the "bourgeois intelligentsia" was condemned for producing "bourgeois ideology", which were all non-Marxist worldviews. Language reforms followed revolutions more than once, such as the New Korean Orthography in North Korea (which failed, due to Korean ethnic nationalist fears of precluding Korean unification), or the simplification of Chinese characters under Mao (a consequence of the divergent orthographic choices of Taiwan and the People's Republic of China), or the simplification of the Russian alphabet after the 1917 revolution in Russia and consequent struggle against illiteracy, known in Soviet Russia as Likbez (Likvidaciya Bezgramotnosti, liquidation of illiteracy).
They believed in the rapid industrialization through labor and believed in subjecting nature to human will. By restructuring the social class into a mass of people who are theoretically all equal, the North Korean government claimed it would be able to attain self-reliance or Juche in the upcoming years. This is questionable, as the country suffers massive food shortages annually and is heavily dependent on foreign aid.[9]:404:405
Songun
Songun (literally, "military-first policy") was first mentioned on 7 April 1997 in Rodong Shinmun under the headline "There Is a Victory for Socialism in the Guns and Bombs of the People's Army".[36] It defined the military-centered thinking of the time by stating; "the revolutionary philosophy to safeguard our own style of socialism under any circumstances."[36] The concept was credited to "Respected General Kim Jong-il".[36] Later, on 16 June 1998, in a joint editorial entitled "Our Party's Military-First Politics Will Inevitably Achieve Victory and Will Never Be Defeated" by Kunroja (the WPK's theoretical magazine) and Rodong Shinmun, it was stated that Songunmeant "the leadership method under the principle of giving priority to the military and resolving the problems that may occur in the course of revolution and construction as well as establishing the military as the main body of the revolution in the course of achieving the total tasks of socialism."[37] While the article clearly referred to "our Party", this was not a reference to the WPK but rather to the personal leadership of Kim Jong-il.[37] On 5 September 1998, the North Korean constitution was revised, and it made clear that the National Defence Commission, the highest military body, was the supreme body of the state.[37] This date is considered the beginning of theSongun era.[37]
